Stretching some 100 miles, the new path follows a historic railroad route dating back to the 1900s.

Though the train path was closed down in 1976, the project, funded by the European Union and through cross-border programs between the two countries, aims to bring it back to life by showcasing the array of sights it has to offer outdoor explorers.

Described by project funders as an “open air museum” thanks to the many abandoned towns and attractions you can see along the way, the bicycling route takes you through stops like Mostar’s Old Bridge, where you can catch adrenaline-pumping high-dive competitions in the summer and magnificent views of the Neretva river all year long.

You’ll also be able to explore the series of waterfalls that plunge from cliffs into a natural amphitheater to make up the Kravice Waterfalls, or the village of Blagaj in Bosnia and Herzegovina, where a monastery overlooking the Buna River makes for quite the sight.

Sticking to the theme, you can stay at various hotels that have been converted out of old railway stations, like the Stanica Ravno in the Herzegovinian countryside, just steps away from the Vjetrenica cave.

Source: Travel and Leisure

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Born out of the break-up of Yugoslavia, Kosovo and Bosnia-Herzegovina are two of the poorest countries in Europe. Despite high levels of international aid, the situation is alarming – says Arte, a Franco-German authoritative TV channel in its latest documentary.

The programme focuses on Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo and explores the role of the international community and how the goal of bringing democracy and prosperity which has been mostly forgotten.

Watch the Full 53min documentary

With unemployment rates around 40%, and with even higher youth unemployment, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo belong to the poorest states in Europe, whose people continue to search for better life in other EU countries.

Yet, both – Kosovo and Bosnia – were subjects of unprecedented involvement of international community that provided significant financial assistance and was directly involved in rebuilding political and economic structures based on liberal market economy aiming to bring democracy and prosperity.

In 2015 alone the EU spent around 3 and a half billion euros in Kosovo, with the rest of international community providing almost as much as the EU did. Further, if we average out how much aid is given to developing countries, Kosovo alone in the past sixteen years has received something like 19 or 20 times that. On the other hand, Bosnia-Herzegovina, in the first six years after the war, received around sixty and seventy billion dollars of direct help.

Yet, in both countries is difficult to see any evidence of the received financial aid raising living standards of people and improving harsh economic situation.

The example of a steel mill in Zenica, Bosnia, indicates the failure of the economic doctrine imposed by the World Bank and other donors who enforced privatisation of Bosnian economy refusing to invest in any state or public owned companies. As a result, there are almost no working factories in Bosnia today.

On the other hand, the case of the American construction company Bechtel, that had built 80 km of a highway in Kosovo for more than 1,2 billion euros (11 million per kilometer) with a help of at that time American ambassador in Prishtina, Christopher Dell, reveals the corrupt practices that involve both sides – international and local actors – and that have largely remained uninvestigated, despite the presence of the EU Law of Rule Mission, Eulex.

Copyright ©2017 TiranaEcho.Com – All Rights Reserved.
Additional Sources: KT

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A team of legal experts led by Sakib Softic, who represented Bosnia during the original case, was seen to enter and leave the International Court of Justice building in The Hague on Thursday afternoon.However Bosnian Serb politicians strongly oppose the appeal, arguing that it is unconstitutional because it has not been approved by the state-level tripartite presidency.

Bosniak and Serb members of the country’s highest institution briefed press from opposing sides on Thursday afternoon after an extraordinary session to debate the topic broke down. The Bosniak member of the tripartite presidency, Bakir Izetbegovic, insisted the appeal for a review was not unconstitutional.

“I have been accused of causing a crisis, but it’s caused by those who have committed aggression, crimes, rehabilitated war criminals,” said Izetbegovic. “The review was launched with the aim of establishing the truth,” he added.

But the Serb member of the presidency, Mladen Ivanic, accused Izetbegovic of bypassing state institutions to file the appeal
“We have entered a serious crisis. This is the pinnacle of non-institutional activity,” Ivanic told media. “I myself do not care about the lawsuit, because I am convinced that it will soon be proven that it is not legitimate,” he added.

The political row, which has brought into focus the faultlines in Bosnia\’s current power-sharing system, hinges on whether or not lawyer Softic needed the express authorisation of the country’s tripartite presidency to proceed with lodging the request for an appeal.

Meanwhile the Peace Implementation Council – a consultative body made up of international representatives who together oversee implementation of the Dayton Peace Agreement that ended the war – convened for crisis talks.

Russian ambassador Petar Ivancov was reported by local media to have instigated the meeting, having expressed concerns that an appeal against the 2007 verdict without the backing of the country’s three ‘constituent peoples’ (Bosniaks, Croats and Serbs) would be unconstitutional.

Senior Bosnian Serb officials have voiced strong opposition to the filing of the appeal at the highest level, with the president of the Bosnian Serb entity Republika Srpska Milorad Dodik condemning the move on Wednesday, backed by Serbian President Tomislav Nikolic and Prime Minister Aleksandar Vucic.

Bosnian Serb representatives also boycotted the state parliament last week, and some fear that further boycotts could render decision-making at the state level impossible and spell the collapse of the current ruling coalition.

There is also little apparent support for the action from senior Bosnian Croat officials.The original case, which was not supported by Bosnian Serb lawmakers in the mid-2000s but did have the backing of Bosnian Croat officials, ended with a ruling that genocide had occurred at Srebrenica when more than 7,000 Bosnian Muslim men and boys were massacred by Serb forces.

The court found that Serbia had failed in its duty to prevent genocide, but that there was insufficient evidence to say that Belgrade bore direct responsibility.

Source: Balkan Insight

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In a separate resolution, they also urged Bosnia and Herzegovina to overcome its ethnic and political divisions and remain united throughout the EU membership application evaluation process, to prove that it is a functioning state.

Albania

MEPs welcome Albania’s progress on EU-related reforms and further efforts to reform the judicial sector, which is a key demand of Albania’s citizens and a factor in restoring trust in public institutions. While excluding criminal offenders from public office and re-evaluating judges, prosecutors and legal advisors are promising steps forward, MEPs remain concerned about selective justice, corruption, the overall length of judicial proceedings and political interference in investigations and court cases.

Rapporteur Knut Fleckenstein (S&D, DE) said: “Last summer, the Albanian parliament adopted – by consensus – crucial constitutional amendments paving the way for a very ambitious and comprehensive reform of the judiciary, a milestone in Albania’s EU-related reform process. My resolution recommends opening EU accession negotiations with Albania when the implementation of this crucial reform starts. It is important for Albania to maintain today\’s reform momentum and we must be ready to support it as much as possible in this process”.

MEPs note that credible implementation of these reforms and holding free and fair elections in June 2017 could prove to be a key to advancing the EU accession process and starting negotiations.

Bosnia and Herzegovina

Rapporteur Cristian Dan Preda (EPP, RO) said: “Our resolution welcomes the steps Bosnia and Herzegovina has recently taken on the EU path, and in particular, the EU membership application presented in February 2016. We are looking forward to the Commission’s opinion on the merits of this application and we want to encourage the authorities of Bosnia and Herzegovina to take this process very seriously and commit to it”.

He also stressed that the country “needs to focus on reforms and avoid divisive topics that could delay Bosnia and Herzegovina’s advancement on the EU path”.

MEPs view Republika Srpska government’s efforts to establish parallel channels of communication with the Commission as unacceptable. They stress that “BiH will not be a successful candidate for EU membership until appropriate institutional conditions have been established”.

MEPs voice concern about the fragmentation and politicization of public administration, which they say hampers reform and makes public service cumbersome. “A professional, effective and merit-based public administration is the backbone of the integration process for any country that aspires to become an EU member”, they add.

Next steps

The resolution on Albania was approved by 52 votes to 6, with 4 abstentions, while the resolution on Bosnia and Herzegovina was adopted by 45 votes to 11 with 3 abstentions. The full House will vote on the two resolutions in Strasbourg in February.

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Last summer I took a month-long trip to the Balkan region. The views were breathtaking and the experience was unforgettable, but what I talk about most is the Balkan food. I have a passion for food because I think it provides a gateway to the people and culture of any region. A trip isn’t a trip until you’ve tasted your way through your travels and immersed yourself in the local cuisine.

For this region, in particular, the cuisine offers a variety of choices. From seafood to sweets, the following are my top ten choices of delicious Balkan treats:

1. Kajmak

The Middle East has a version of this, but I tried it for the first time in Serbia and fell in love (my favorite was actually at a restaurant in Bosnia). Essentially it is a dairy product that is used like cheese– milk fat that rises to the top when milk is boiled and left to cool (for hours, sometimes days). It doesn’t have a sharp taste, but it is very creamy and goes with anything. I particularly enjoyed it as an appetizer with sweet red peppers in a vinegar sauce. On my trip I ate it for breakfast, lunch and dinner. You can put it on pizza, eat it with bread and jam, or eat it with sausage. Either way, it’s sure to complement any dish and I’ve been dreaming about it ever since.

2. Salata od hobotnice

There are several variations of octopus salad depending on where you are, but the fresh, perfectly grilled octopus is present in each variation. Often accompanied with a little olive oil, lemon and salt, this salad is perfect as a starter to any meal.

3. Girice

Due to the proximity of the Adriatic Sea, seafood is a big part of the Balkan cuisine. A favorite of mine was the fried sardines. Simple and delicious, this small, pop-in-your-mouth treat is great on the go or at a restaurant overlooking the breathtaking views. All it needs is a few drops of lemon.

4. Suho meso

This is air-dried meat that can be paired with cheese, bread or eaten alone. It is their version of charcuterie and I quickly fell in love with it. Although they describe it as jerky, it isn’t hard or overly chewy. It has a great flavor with a prosciutto-like texture. Besides eating dried meat on its own, I loved eating it as a pizza topping. In Sarajevo, I was introduced to Pekara Kovaci, a pizza place that served pizza with suho meso, mushrooms and kajmak. During my weeklong stay, I managed to eat this pizza three times. Needless to say, I was in love!

5. Punjene paprike

This dish is stuffed bell peppers, which are usually the small white/yellow peppers. The stuffing is made with ground beef, rice and potatoes and cooked in a tomato broth. I like to top mine off with a little sour cream. It is cooked over a stove and finished in the oven, which allows all of the flavors to meld together and produce a delicious meal. I love the taste of the peppers combined with the spices and tomato broth. It is a filling meal and especially great on a cold day!

6. Burek 

This is one of the most common Balkan dishes, always a bit different depending on the region. It is flaky dough filled with meat and often shaped in a spiral, which is then cut or wrapped in paper for an on-the-go treat. I had more burek than I can remember; it was a great to-go meal when travelling from country to country. In some areas it is complemented with a yogurt drink, which I am not a huge fan of, but many people are. Although this is just meat and bread, the way it is cooked makes the dough come out flaky and crispy and the meat super flavorful, with spices from that region. The result is a warm bite of heaven.

7. Chevapi

One thing I noticed about all the Balkan food was how different they tasted compared to their American equivalents. This was especially true with chevapi, small meat sausages. I thought they would taste like any meat sausages I have had in the United States, but they didn’t! I don’t know whether it is the treatment of the animal/meat or the preparation, but these grilled sausages had so much more flavor. This dish is served with onions, kajmak and somun (pita bread). My favorite was at a restaurant in Sarajevo, Cevabdzinica Zeljo.

8. Goulash

This is a better known dish that has its roots in a few different countries and so far, I haven’t found a version I don’t like. It is a stew of meat and potatoes; it can be chicken or beef with any number of vegetables (although carrots and potatoes seem to be the most popular). The result is a soup that is full of flavor and meat that just melts off the bone. Just don’t forget a piece (or two) of bread to soak up the stew–you won’t want anything to go to waste.

9. Palacinke

This is just another word for crepes, which is all it took to get me to fall in love! If you are looking for something more familiar, this is the way to go. They have cafes and street stands that sell them. In the Balkans, they are served with fewer frills than they are the U.S., but a simple Nutella palacinke is just as good. Trust me, this is the first word I learned, possibly even before please and thank you, because really once your mouth is full of palacinke, saying thank you is no longer necessary. (Just kidding – please be polite!).

10. Krempita

This dessert, which is made from flaky pastry dough with cream custard in the middle, is similar to a napoleon and will satisfy any sweet tooth. Krempita is light and not too sweet, but did I mention it’s delicious?

Top photo by MatHelium (Creative Commons)

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By Euractiv.Com

Mateusz Seroka is a Junior Fellow in the Central European Department of Poland’s Centre for Eastern Studies (OSW). This op-ed was originally published by the OSW.

A referendum was held on 25 September in Republika Srpska (RS) concerning the celebration of the Day of Republika Srpska on 9 January. Republika Srpska forms part of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) and is inhabited predominantly by ethnic Serbs. 56% of registered voters took part in the referendum. 99.8% of them voted to keep the holiday. The Constitutional Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina deemed unconstitutional the fact that the Day of Republika Srpska received the rank of an official holiday in 2007. The government of RS branded this an attack on its autonomy and used the dispute to divert attention away from the poor economic condition there and the corruption scandals.

The vote has been criticised by the EU, the US, and the governments of Croatia and Serbia, but it was praised by Russia. However, the fact that the referendum has been held does not mark the beginning of RS’s secession from BiH, since the Bosnian Serb elites still want to maintain the status quo laid out in the Dayton Agreement of 1995, which offers them a great degree of independence from the government in Sarajevo. Furthermore, any possible secession would not be backed by the EU, the US and Russia. The latter, though, will use the conflict in BiH to strengthen its position in the region, which may result in increasing tension in the Western Balkans.

The controversial holiday

The anniversary of the establishment of the Republic of the Serb Nation in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1992 has been celebrated on 9 January every year since 1993. The conflict over the future of the territories of BiH inhabited by ethnic Serbs was one of the causes of the war in 1992–1995. The Act on the Holidays of Republika Srpska of 2007 adopted by the parliament of RS, recognises 9 January as the Day of Republika Srpska. Over time, Bosnian Serbs also began emphasising the religious dimension of the celebrations on 9 January as the holiday of Saint Stephen, the first martyr of Christianity and the patron saint of RS.

In 2013, Bakir Izetbegović, the leader of the Party of Democratic Action (SDA), the main Bosniak political party, brought a motion to the Constitutional Court of BiH to check whether the Act on the Holidays of RS was in compliance with the constitution of BiH. In November 2015, the court ruled that setting 9 January as the official holiday of the Republika Srpska was unconstitutional due to the fact that the holiday did not draw upon the values shared by all three constituent nations of BiH.

The government of RS applied to the court to reconsider the matter, announcing on that occasion that it would hold a referendum concerning the holiday. The Constitutional Court of BiH rejected the motion brought by the government of Republika Srpska on 17 September 2016, thus passing the final verdict in this matter.

Another stage of the dispute over Dayton

The constitutional order agreed in Dayton in 2005 granted extensive competences to the entities forming BiH (Republika Srpska, the Bosniak-Croat Federation of BiH and, since 2000, the Brčko District). The main goal of the agreement was to bring an end to the military conflict, and this resulted in numerous imprecise regulations concerning the distribution of competences among the entities of the federation and the central government. Furthermore, any decisions on issues of ‘vital significance’ for individual nations were to be taken only by way of compromise between the three constituent nations.

Bosniaks have consistently made efforts to conduct a constitutional reform that will strengthen the central government at the expense of the extensive competences of such entities as Republika Srpska, arguing that it is necessary to overcome the decision-making paralysis of the central government of BiH. In turn, Serbs have firmly defended the provisions of the Dayton Agreement which – through the presumption that it is the federation entities which have competences – grants them a large degree of independence from Sarajevo. Neither Bosniaks nor Bosnian Serbs are looking for a compromise – what they hope for is support from abroad (Bosniaks from the EU and the US, Bosnian Serbs from Serbia and Russia).

The consolidation of Dodik’s power

During the campaign preceding the referendum, its instigator, the President of Republika Srpska, Milorad Dodik, argued that by protecting RS’s sovereignty from Sarajevo’s centralism, he was standing in defence of the Dayton Agreement. However, Dodik’s policy has made it clear that the government of RS values only those parts of the Dayton Agreement which grant extensive competences to the individual parts of the federal state, but not the fragments which draw upon building a common state and a reconciliation between Bosniaks, Serbs and Croats in BiH.

By holding a referendum contrary to the Constitutional Court’s decision, the government of Republika Srpska has once again given a clear sign that it wants the central institutions of BiH to remain as weak as possible. The referendum turned into a demonstration in defence of historical memory and Serb identity, and this allowed the government of RS to divert the attention of the opposition and the public away from such issues as corruption, nepotism and economic problems. Thus the outcome of the referendum has strengthened the political position of President Dodik and the Alliance of Independent Social Democrats (SNSD) which he leads. This is important in the context of local elections scheduled for 2 October.

The politicians representing Bosnian Croats are divided over the referendum. The leaders of the largest Croat grouping in BiH, the Croatian Democratic Union of Bosnia and Herzegovina (HDZ BiH), have emphasised that Serbs have the right to decide on their symbolism and have appealed for moderation in the debate. Bosnian Croats want the Serb political elite to adopt a friendly neutral approach regarding the initiative to create a separate Croat entity in BiH (in addition to the currently existing Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Republika Srpska).

Russia as protector

Western countries opposed the referendum before it was held. All member states (except Russia) of the Peace Implementation Council, an institution in charge of implementing the provisions of the Dayton Agreement, appealed for it to be cancelled. The US embassy put pressure on the government of RS, and the initiative was criticised by the High Representative for BiH, Valentin Inzko, and the head of the EU delegation in BiH. During the campaign, the Council of the European Union accepted BiH’s application for membership in the EU and forwarded it to the European Commission. The fact that the referendum was held regardless of these moves should be viewed as a defeat for the West, which was skilfully exploited by Russia.

Three days before the vote, Dodik met with Putin, who backed the idea of the referendum and at the same time suggested that Russia wants a stabilisation of the Western Balkans, BiH and RS itself. Russia, building an image of itself as the protector of the Bosnian Serbs’ interests, presents itself as a constructive power protecting the Dayton deal, one that has an influence on the situation in the region. Capitalising on the weakening influence of the US and the EU in BiH, Russia has been strengthening its position through its influence on Republika Srpska. The government of RS, like the Bosniak and Bosnian Croat elites, is, however, aware of the fact that cooperation with Western financial institutions (mainly the IMF, the EBRD and the EIB) is of key significance for BiH’s stability.

Cooperation between Republika Srpska and Russia has an indirect adverse effect on the government of Serbia which, until recently, was viewed as the main protector of ethnic Serbs’ interests outside Serbia and the guarantor of stability in the region. Belgrade, due to its efforts to ensure EU membership for Serbia, did not back the referendum, and this did not match Dodik’s political goals and the sentiments of ethnic Serbs living in BiH. Already after the results of the referendum were made public, Dodik announced that more votes might be held in Republika Srpska, including a referendum on BiH’s accession to NATO. That idea fits in with Moscow’s interests, since it wants to slow down NATO’s expansion into more Balkan states.

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